The militarization of outer space is a growing threat to international security and the long-term sustainability of space as a global commons. The advancements in space-based technologies have brought unprecedented benefits, from satellite communications to climate monitoring and disaster response. However, the pursuit of military dominance in outer space risks triggering destabilizing effects, including space arms race.
The United Nations First Committee highlighted such concerns in its October 2023 report by noting that “outer space is becoming a contest for supremacy, drawing on space-based communications and intelligence assets and the development of anti-satellite weapons.” The prevention of an arms race in outer space remains a priority within the broader UN framework; however, progress towards a legally binding treaty has been slow and fragmented, with no comprehensive agreement in place.
The proposed treaty on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space (PAROS) emerged in the 1980s as a legal initiative aimed at preventing the deployment of weapons in space. It also aims at prohibiting hostile military activities in Low Earth Orbit (LEO). The rationale behind the treaty is to ensure that outer space remains a peaceful domain, thereby preventing its transformation into a future battlefield.
The treaty is currently under discussion at the Conference on Disarmament (CD), which is UN’s sole multilateral disarmament negotiating body, seeking to establish a legally binding and verifiable agreement among the member States to address the legal and operational gaps left by the 1967 Outer Space Treaty (OST). It is notable that OST prohibits the placement of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in orbit, but it does not address the matters concerning other conventional weaponry, being tested and deployed in outer space.
Recent tide in the militarization of space, particularly the testing of anti-satellite weapons, is a major threat to both the sustainability of outer space and the stability of global security. An alarming demonstration of this trend took place on 27 March 2019 with India conducting an ASAT test code-named Mission Shakti. Using a ballistic missile defense interceptor, the Prithvi Delivery Vehicle Mark-II (PDV MK-II), the projectile destroyed a Microsat-R satellite in LEO.
Read More: To Space and Beyond: Revisiting Mankind’s Celestial Breakthrough
According to a May 2019 report carried by Arms Control Association, India’s ASAT test generated approximately 400 pieces of orbital debris, with around 60 fragments large enough to be tracked, 24 of which exceeded the altitude (400 km) of the International Space Station (ISS).
On 1 April 2019, then-NASA Administrator Jim Bridenstine condemned India’s ASAT test and stated that “it is a terrible, terrible thing, to create an event that sends debris in an apogee that goes above the ISS, that kind of activity is not compatible with the future of human spaceflight.” According to NASA, the debris increased the collision risk to the ISS by 44 percent.
India’s test was also criticized at the 58th session of the Legal Subcommittee of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COPUOS) in Vienna, where the German delegation stated that “India had not acted in a safe or responsible manner, nor upheld the standards expected of a responsible space actor.”
The People’s Liberation Army Strategic Support Force (PLASSF), founded in 2015 to integrate space, cyber, electronic and psychological warfare, was disbanded in April 2024, with its functions reassigned to the newly established PLA Cyberspace Force, PLA Aerospace Force and PLA Information Support Force. Russia maintains its military space operations under the Russian Aerospace Forces and France launched its Space Command (Commandment de l’Espace) in 2019.
In July 2023, the French Parliament approved a seven-year defense budget (2024-2030), allocating €6 billion (approximately USD 6.7 billion) to bolster its space capabilities.
In the South Asian context, India is striving to join this elite group and has expanded its military space infrastructure through the establishment of the Defense Space Agency (DSA) and significant funding allocations. On 7 February 2024, Indian Defense News reported that the Indian armed forces earmarked ₹25,000 crore (approximately USD 3 billion) to fulfill their space-related defense aspirations. These developments not only reveal India’s intent to militarize outer space but also underscore the growing risk of transforming this shared domain into a new theater of military conflicts.
For Pakistan, which is a developing space power, this unchecked militarization is deeply concerning. Pakistan’s space agency, the Space & Upper Atmosphere Research Commission (SUPARCO), has primarily focused on the peaceful utilization of space technologies such as climate monitoring, urban planning and disaster response. It has launched several remote sensing and communication satellites, including PRSS-1 (Pakistan Remote Sensing Satellite-1) and PakTES-1A in 2018 and more recently EO-1 and PRSS-2 in January and July 2025, respectively.
At the CD, Pakistan has persistently advocated for a legally binding treaty on PAROS. It has expressed strong support by consistently voting in favor of the United Nations General Assembly Resolution titled “Further Practical Measures for the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space,” reaffirming its commitment to maintaining outer space as a weapon-free domain.
In conclusion, outer space should not be transformed into a domain of military confrontation. Rather than pursuing the development of destructive counter-space capabilities such as ASAT weapons, states must collaborate to establish a comprehensive legal regime that explicitly prohibits the weaponization of outer space. Pakistan’s consistent advocacy for PAROS, its principled position to halt the militarization of outer space represent a responsible and constructive approach. To ensure the sustainability of space for future generations, global norms of responsible behavior must be reinforced and upheld.
*The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of TDI.
Jawad Ali Shah
Jawad Ali Shah is a Research Officer at the Center for International Strategic Studies Sindh (CISSS), Pakistan. He holds a bachelor’s in International Relations from the University of Sindh, Jamshoro. His research focuses on the impacts of emerging military technologies on global security. He can be reached at syedjawad27b@gmail.com
