Arundhati Roy, a noted voice of dissent in India, once asserted that India, “for all practical purposes has become a corporate, theocratic Hindu state, a highly policed state, a fearsome state.” These words, delivered at the ‘Thought and Truth Under Pressure’ conference, resonate deeply amidst the backdrop of Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP’s recent Madrasa ban has stirred controversy and rekindled debates about the nation’s identity.
Before the onset of the electoral proceedings in India in April 2024, the ruling court of Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state with a Muslim population of about 30 million, governed by the BJP, effectively imposed a ban on Madrasas (Islamic religious schools) by overturning the Madrasa Act of 2004, which regulates Madrasa education across the state.
The Allahabad High Court, on March 22nd, abrogated the Act citing a secularism violation, and mandated the integration of the students. However, these Madrasas, where Muslim students not only study the Quran but also, since 2018, follow a curriculum approved by the National Council of Educational Research Training (NCERT), do not pose a threat to secularism. Although the decision was later reserved by the Supreme Court on April 5th until the second week of July for further hearings, the implication remains of a decline in secularism within India.
According to Article 14 of the Indian Constitution, “The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of India.” The decision to ban over 16,000 recognized Madrasas, impacting 2.7 million students and 100,000 teachers, by a secular state court, raises questions as Hindu individuals are allowed to enroll their children in Gurukuls to foster connections with their traditions, culture, and spirituality.
Moreover, the ban on Madrasas also raises concerns about the violation of Articles 29 and 30 of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees the protection of the interests of minorities, including the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their own choice.
This sentiment is echoed by Zafarul-Islam Khan, an author and journalist based in New Delhi, who emphasizes the integral role of modernized Madrasas in fostering professional success among Muslim students. He laments the authorities’ decision to close down all madrasas, which not only violates the interests of the Muslim community but also threatens their educational autonomy and opportunities for advancement.
It is a matter of concern that India’s constitutional commitment to secularism has faced increasing pressure, particularly over the last decade. This trend has led to minority religions in India being targeted by the populist yet divisive policies of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP).
Allegedly, supporters of the party, purportedly far-right Hindus, have reportedly disrupted universities by chanting religious slogans such as ‘Jai Shree Ram’ (Hail Lord Ram) on March 16th. This incident occurred while Muslim students were peacefully observing their religious practices, conducting Taraweeh prayers on campus with the university’s authorization. An Afghan student reported that approximately 200 to 250 men, chanting the slogan, attacked 15 students, destroying their bikes, laptops, and phones.
It’s not uncommon for tensions to arise when Muslims engage in prayer, especially when provoked by far-right Hindu factions. However, globally, no far-right group wields as much influence as in India, the largest democracy. The BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), an Indian right-wing organization, share the same belief that Muslims lack historical significance and a rightful sense of belonging. It’s worth noting that BJP leader Narendra Modi started his journey in politics within the RSS and steadily rose through its ranks.
Recently, a report released by the Indian Hate Lab (IHL), a Washington-based research documented a total of 668 hate speech events across 18 states and three federally governed territories in the year 2023.
The leading Indian states for these events included Uttar Pradesh in the north with 104 incidents, Maharashtra in the west with 118 incidents, and Madhya Pradesh in central India with 65 incidents. Collectively, these leading states account for 43 percent of the total hate speech events registered in 2023. It’s worth mentioning that the BJP governs these states at present. However, even smaller states like Haryana and Uttarakhand in northern India haven’t been immune to similar incidents.
Among the total of 688 recorded hate speech incidents, a documented report indicates that 63 percent of them revolved around Islamophobic conspiracy theories. One such theory is “population jihad,” which alleges that Muslims intentionally increase their population to disrupt the demographic balance. The analysis of IHL indicates the normalization of anti-Muslim hate speech, which has integrated into India’s socio-political landscape and the anticipation of a widespread utilization of anti-Muslim hate speech during the upcoming general elections to polarize voters.
As the 2024 elections commenced on April 19, the BJP’s sophisticated social media campaign machinery has not only been reportedly acknowledged for its effectiveness in promoting the party’s agenda but has also faced criticism for allegedly contributing to the polarization of Indian society and inciting violence against the second-largest religion in India.
This duality in perception is exemplified by Modi’s utilization of an Islamophobic conspiracy theory during the ongoing election campaign. He suggested that if the Congress party were to come to power, they would redistribute citizens’ wealth among “ghus bethiye” (infiltrators) and “those who have more children,” a statement seemingly targeting Muslims. This incident recalls a speech made by Manmohan Singh over a decade ago, where his party aimed to empower minorities, particularly Muslims, and ensure their priority access to the country’s resources, providing a contrasting perspective to Modi’s recent remarks.
These theories are just a potent tool for communal and divisive politics for electoral gain, as the government’s data revealed that Muslim fertility rates are dropping faster than those of any other major community in India.
Moreover, India’s most populist leader has employed various strategies to influence voter psychology, from portraying himself as a pro-poor tea seller to leveraging religious sentiments. He often claims that opposition parties dislike him due to his humble origins, seeking to connect with voters on a personal level. Addressing underprivileged regions like Bastar, he convinced them of his ability to empathize with the challenges faced by the lower-income class, drawing from his own modest background.
This approach is part of his broader agenda, which includes measures such as the ban on madrasas, aimed at fulfilling the promise of transforming India into a Hindu state. This vision is further reinforced by the likelihood of Modi pursuing the implementation of a uniform civil code, as outlined in the party manifesto for the 2024 election.
In his second term, Modi has fulfilled three major promises from the BJP’s longstanding manifesto: the construction of the Ram Mandir, the revocation of Article 370, and the enactment of the Citizenship Amendment Act. By following the RSS ideology, Modi is not only gaining popularity among Hindus but has also expanded his electoral base. Furthermore, Modi enjoys backing from India’s affluent class, whose prosperity has seen an upswing during his tenure. As Delhi-based writer and journalist Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay noted, “He is 100% an ideological product of the RSS… He has delivered their goals,” highlighting Modi’s alignment with the RSS agenda.
There are about 220 million Muslims in India, making it the second-largest religion in the country. However, in the past few years, there has been a stark decline in Muslim representation in Parliament. Currently, Muslims hold merely 23 out of the 545 seats in the Indian Parliament, with not a single Muslim parliamentarian being a member of the ruling party BJP. This decline further strengthened the political marginalization of the Muslim community by the BJP within Indian politics.
Consequently, even secular parties shy away from nominating Muslim candidates due to concerns that they may not resonate with Hindu voters, as observed by Asaduddin Owaisi, President of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM). He accuses the ruling party of actively promoting hatred against Muslims noting that “It is very difficult for the Muslim candidates from any political party to win.”
Modi’s strategies, driven by socio-political division and religious identity, aim to secure electoral success and consolidate authority. The BJP’s social media machinery reshapes narratives, depicting Modi as the protector of Hindu interests, while he employs Islamophobic rhetoric to paint the Congress as anti-Hindu, serving Muslim interests.
Currently, the BJP holds a prominent position, as evidenced by the early victory of its candidate Mukesh Dalal, in the Surat Lok Sabha seat, even though the election had only just commenced. This initial success indicates the effectiveness of the BJP’s strategies in securing victories. Should the BJP emerge victorious once again, it may lead to an economic upturn, but it also poses a threat to India’s diversity. There is a risk of escalating tensions, potentially resulting in the curtailment of Muslim rights and a further decrease in Muslim representation in the National Assembly. The widespread chanting of “Jai Shri Ram” near peaceful religious practices could signify the advancement of a Hindu state rooted in right-wing ideology.
*Saudha Hira is an International Relations student at the University of Karachi. She holds an interest in long-form journalism, particularly the evolving dynamics of international affairs and the utilization of multi-vector foreign policy by states to further their interests. She seeks to contribute to discussions on complex geopolitical issues. She can be contacted at saudha854@gmail.com
**The opinions in this article are the author’s own and may not represent the views of The Diplomatic Insight. The organization does not endorse or assume responsibility for the content.
