A major step forward in their eight-decade partnership, the newly signed Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement (SMDA) between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan transforms their relationship from one of traditional cooperation to one of strategic alliance by establishing formal mutual defense guarantees.
The deal takes into account the shifting security dynamics in the Middle East and South Asia by stating that any aggression against one nation will be deemed an attack against both.
Since the independence of Pakistan, there has been a strong foundation of defense cooperation, which the SMDA builds upon. The two countries became strategic allies in aiding the Afghan resistance after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, which gave the relationship a boost. Pakistan established a division-strength contingent in Saudi Arabia in accordance with a defense protocol in 1982, and it stayed there until 1987.
A number of agreements, including the 2005 Military Cooperation Agreement, have strengthened the position of Pakistan as the KSA’s main Muslim military ally, a position that was established by this historical precedent. What has long been understood implicitly, the dedication of Pakistan to protecting the territorial integrity of KSA and the sacred sites of Mecca and Medina is now formally stated in the recent SMDA.
During Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s state visit to Riyadh on September 16, 2025, the SMDA was signed. It includes a number of important components. By creating legal obligations for collective security, the agreement’s central clause establishing mutual defense guarantees changes the bilateral relationship from one of cooperation to alliance.
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In light of the changing regional security landscape, the timing is especially important. The susceptibility of Gulf capitals to cutting-edge warfare technologies has been brought to light by recent events, such as the fictitious attack on Doha that was discussed in defense analyses. This has strengthened Saudi Arabia’s understanding that Pakistan’s nuclear umbrella and other complementary deterrents are necessary for conventional air defense systems.
The strategic equation surrounding Saudi Arabia’s security is drastically changed by Pakistan’s position as the only Muslim country with nuclear weapons. Western intelligence sources have long conjectured about Saudi Arabia’s possible access to Pakistani nuclear deterrence in dire circumstances, despite the fact that both governments formally deny any nuclear cooperation.
This deterrent effect is strengthened by the SMDA, since prospective enemies are now forced to take into account both Pakistan’s nuclear threshold and Saudi conventional defenses.
Saudi Arabia has a distinct security advantage over other Gulf states that only rely on U.S. security guarantees because of its nuclear component. By guaranteeing that its nuclear deterrent has both national and pan-Islamic legitimacy, the agreement fortifies Pakistan’s position as a leader in the Islamic world.
The SMDA is part of a larger shift in the regional security complex in the Middle East. New alignments have been made possible by the decline in the influence of traditional power centers like Egypt, Syria, and Iraq. While Iran has increased its regional influence through proxy forces, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have taken steps to fill this void.
As a counterweight to Iranian influence, the Pakistan-Saudi alliance provides Riyadh with a dependable ally with substantial military prowess and regional legitimacy. In contrast to Western alliances, the Pakistan-Saudi relationship offers both strategic and symbolic benefits due to its religious legitimacy, which is felt throughout the Muslim world.
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The two countries’ growing economic cooperation is enhanced by the defense pact. In addition to signing agreements to strengthen cooperation in the small and medium enterprise (SME) sector, Saudi Arabia has committed to investing $5 billion in Pakistan. By establishing shared interests that go beyond security issues, this economic interdependence fortifies the strategic alliance.
Institutional frameworks like the Saudi-Pakistani Supreme Coordination Council, which was created to expedite bilateral cooperation across a range of sectors, also strengthen the relationship. These procedures guarantee that the defense partnership functions within a more extensive framework of all-encompassing collaboration.
Instead of depending entirely on outside security guarantors, the SMDA represents a larger trend towards regional powers assuming more responsibility for their security. It is no longer write a check and someone is going to come and secure the stability in the region. Both nations have to do some of the burden-sharing.
This move towards regional independence might inspire more alliances and collaborations throughout the Middle East. The success of the Pakistan-Saudi model may encourage other regional actors to make comparable agreements, which could change the Middle East’s and South Asia’s security frameworks.
As the role of Islamabad in regional security gains prominence, the agreement also increases Pakistan’s strategic value to other partners, such as China and the United States. While preserving its alliance with the United States, the partnership allows Saudi Arabia to diversify its security relationships.
In an age of great power competition and shifting alliances, the Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan is more than just a bilateral defense agreement; it represents the development of regional security arrangements. By formally committing to mutual defense, both countries have established a framework for improved collaboration that goes beyond conventional security issues to include political, economic, and strategic aspects.
The ability of both nations to handle the complicated regional dynamics the agreement creates while providing real security benefits will be crucial to its success. With the Middle East’s geopolitical landscape changing so quickly, the Saudi-Pakistani partnership could be a model for how regional powers can work together to solve shared security issues while preserving their larger strategic alliances.
*The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of TDI.
Abdul Haq
Abdul Haq holds an MS degree in International Relations from the School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), Jilin University, the People’s Republic of China. He writes on global issues, international politics, international law, peace, conflict, and security. He currently works as a research assistant in CCTVES, the Institute of Regional Studies (IRS), Islamabad, Pakistan. He can be reached at ahsafi.edu@gmail.com
