The rise of Zohran Mamdani in New York City politics marks a significant ideological and generational change in urban governance in the United States. Born in Uganda and raised in Morningside Heights as a Shia Muslim with Indian ancestry, Mamdani has emerged from the ranks as a symbol of multicultural progressive politics, greatly impacted by the artistic and intellectual heritage of his family.
The rise of Zohran, the son of renowned postcolonial scholar Mahmood Mamdani and celebrated filmmaker Mira Nair, is more than just a personal tale; it is a window into a rapidly evolving urban America that is battling issues of legitimacy, affordability, and representation.
Mamdani’s 2025 mayoral campaign embodies democratic socialism and cosmopolitan identity. His broad platform, which includes demands for universal childcare, city-owned grocery stores, fare-free buses, 200,000 new affordable housing units, and a $30 minimum wage by 2030, is based on the idea that the city should be a place of collective flourishing rather than corporate exploitation.
‘What we’re doing is not just policy — it’s about dignity’, he said to supporters during a Jackson Heights rally. It’s about enabling people to dream debt-free and live fearlessly. This is not the cautious centrism language. In a time of disarray, it is an insurgent plea for moral clarity.
But that moral clarity has turned out to be extremely divisive. Both praise and ire have been directed at Mamdani for his outspoken defense of Palestinian rights, critique of Israeli policies, and analogies between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He backs the arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) against the leaders of Hamas and Israel, a stance that has angered influential political groups and sparked criticism from the media.
Donald Trump took to Truth Social following his primary victory over Andrew Cuomo, accusing Mamdani of being a ‘foreign radical who wants to turn NYC into Karachi’ and threatening to ‘demolish American cities faster than the Squad ever could’. The wider fear that Mamdani arouses in conservative circles is highlighted by such rhetoric.
Why is he considered a threat by Trump? Mamdani is a new kind of American politician: brown, multilingual, Muslim, proudly a self-proclaimed democratic socialist, and openly critical of American exceptionalism. This isn’t just because of policy, as many progressive proposals never make it to the ballot. He declines to act in the manner of gratitude that is frequently expected of immigrants or their offspring.
On behalf of those who have historically been denied access to the city’s potential, he instead calls for structural change. One of his quotes was, ‘I didn’t run for office to manage decline’. ‘I ran in order to alter our expectations of the government, one another, and ourselves’. According to Trump’s racially framed perspective, Mamdani signifies not only a political opponent but also a symbolic break: the end of white Christian male supremacy in American politics.
However, liberals are also uneasy about Mamdani’s ascent. Even though mainstream Democrats advocate for diversity and inclusivity, they frequently become agitated when individuals such as Mamdani make radical claims about foreign and economic policy. Some policy experts have criticised his criticism of U.S. foreign policy as ‘anti-Israel’ or ‘too radical’, while others have dismissed his call for city-owned grocery stores as utopian.
He was accused of ‘importing global conflicts into local governance’ in an opinion piece published in The New York Post, which also warned that ‘New York’s next mayor could be more concerned with Gaza than with garbage collection’. However, these criticisms overlook the bigger picture: Mamdani’s appeal is rooted in his refusal to acknowledge the distinction between international justice and domestic policy. He sees drone strikes in Yemen, militarised police in Harlem, and gentrification in Queens as all components of the same neoliberal architecture of violence.
The reaction has been quick. Laura Loomer and other right-wing commentators have circulated edited videos that make fun of Mamdani’s rap career, his Islamic faith, and his accent. Actress Kangana Ranaut and Congress spokesperson Abhishek Manu Singhvi are among the right-wing Indians who have accused him of discrediting his Indian heritage and spreading ‘Pakistani propaganda’. Jewish advocacy groups abruptly uncovered and denounced as offensive a parody video he posted years ago that featured a humorous take on Hanukkah with Punjabi lyrics. ‘Humour that punches down is not humour’, Mamdani responded in a well-crafted apology. I have to perform better. All of us have to.
The dangers of Mamdani’s ‘politics of no translation’— his deliberate decision to address communities directly in their native tongues without defending himself with sterile liberal platitudes — are reflected in such cultural disputes. Spanish, Bengali, and Hindi are frequently used in his campaign materials. In interviews, he talks about his wife Rama Duwaji’s Damascene origins, recites Urdu couplets, and makes references to Bollywood films. In a recent town hall, he declared, ‘We are not fragments’. We are complete people with a wide variety of languages, gods, and sorrows. That makes us the city’s future rather than a threat.
What comes next is the question now. Driven by a grassroots army of volunteers and small-dollar donors, Mamdani defeated a former governor with 43% of the vote in a historic primary victory. However, his capacity to broaden his base will be put to the test in the general election. Will more moderate boroughs like Staten Island and portions of the Bronx be receptive to his message? Will his heritage and religion continue to dominate the media instead of his transport or housing policies? The most important question is probably whether he can withstand the institutional resistance that typically befalls leftist opponents who succeed in assuming power.
There are grounds for cautious optimism. Mamdani has demonstrated a skillful ability to bridge racial and generational gaps by bringing together progressive Jews, disenchanted Black voters, young Latinos, and South Asian elders around a common goal of municipal socialism. He has gained authenticity points that technocratic liberals find difficult to imitate due to his personal humility, which he frequently displays by making jokes about his ‘negative net worth’ and college rap battles. Like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, he is also media-savvy: adept at video messaging, fluent in meme culture, and emotionally resonant without being theatrical.
Still, running for office is easier than running for office. Police unions, the real estate lobby, and some members of the city council will all vigorously oppose Mamdani if elected. Additionally, he will inherit a bureaucracy that is intended for containment and management rather than redistribution. ‘There will be fights’, he recently admitted. However, we will fight with love, joy, and the belief that everyone, not just a wealthy few, owns New York. The next chapter in the political history of New York City may be defined by that ethos, which is equal parts poetry and policy.
Critically speaking, the manifestation of Zohran Mamdani’s campaign is an ideological and cultural intervention into what urban democracy means, not just a run for office. He questions the very myth of American innocence overseas, the tacit consensus of austerity, and the phoney multiculturalism of elite politics. He has thus turned into a lightning rod for both hatred and hope.
Trump’s intimidation towards him is not a coincidence; rather, it is a reflection of how seriously Mamdani challenges the racial and economic order that Trump once stood for. It remains to be seen if Mamdani can convert rebellious energy into long-lasting power. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that he has already changed the boundaries of what is politically possible. And, that in itself is no small accomplishment in a time of cynicism.
Abdul Haq
Abdul Haq is a Master of Science in International Relations from the School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), Jilin University, China and a Master of Arts (MA) in Political Science from the University of Peshawar, Pakistan. He writes on international affairs, international politics, peace, and conflict. He also contributes at Global Connectivities and Modern Diplomacy.
